março 30, 2011

A Al-Qaida manifesta o seu contentamento com as revoluções no Médio Oriente

Al-Qaïda dans la péninsule arabique (Aqpa) se réjouit de la vague de révolutions que connaissent le Proche-Orient et l'Afrique du Nord depuis plusieurs semaines et salue "un tsunami de changements", a indiqué mercredi le centre américain de surveillance de sites islamistes (SITE).
Plusieurs articles dans le dernier numéro de sa cyber-revue "Inspire", rédigée en anglais, évoquent les révolutions de ces derniers mois -causées par un vif mécontentement de la population à propos du chômage ou de la corruption des dirigeants, et pas par un militantisme islamiste.
Mais ces révolutions, en Egypte ou en Tunisie par exemple, sont des bonnes nouvelles pour les mouvements extrémistes musulmans, estime l'islamiste américano-yéménite Anwar al-Awlaki, qui écrit dans cette revue sur internet destinée à encourager les musulmans anglophones à rejoindre le mouvement jihadiste international.
"La révolution détruit les barrières de la peur dans les coeurs et les esprits qui pensaient que les tyrans ne pouvaient pas être délogés", écrit-il dans ce numéro, accessible sur le site du SITE.
"Nous ne savons pas encore ce sur quoi cela débouchera (...) mais le résultat n'a pas besoin d'être un gouvernement islamiste pour que nous pensions qu'il s'agit d'un pas dans la bonne direction", ajoute l'islamiste.

Ver notícia no jornal La Libre Belgique

março 25, 2011

Irmãos Muçulmanos em ascensão no novo Egipto


In post-revolutionary Egypt, where hope and confusion collide in the daily struggle to build a new nation, religion has emerged as a powerful political force, following an uprising that was based on secular ideals. The Muslim Brotherhood, an Islamist group once banned by the state, is at the forefront, transformed into a tacit partner with the military government that many fear will thwart fundamental changes.
It is also clear that the young, educated secular activists who initially propelled the nonideological revolution are no longer the driving political force — at least not at the moment.
As the best organized and most extensive opposition movement in Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood was expected to have an edge in the contest for influence. But what surprises many is its link to a military that vilified it.
“There is evidence the Brotherhood struck some kind of a deal with the military early on,” said Elijah Zarwan, a senior analyst with the International Crisis Group. “It makes sense if you are the military — you want stability and people off the street. The Brotherhood is one address where you can go to get 100,000 people off the street.”
There is a battle consuming Egypt about the direction of its revolution, and the military council that is now running the country is sending contradictory signals. On Wednesday, the council endorsed a plan to outlaw demonstrations and sit-ins. Then, a few hours later, the public prosecutor announced that the former interior minister and other security officials would be charged in the killings of hundreds during the protests.
Egyptians are searching for signs of clarity in such declarations, hoping to discern the direction of a state led by a secretive military council brought to power by a revolution based on demands for democracy, rule of law and an end to corruption.
“We are all worried,” said Amr Koura, 55, a television producer, reflecting the opinions of the secular minority. “The young people have no control of the revolution anymore. It was evident in the last few weeks when you saw a lot of bearded people taking charge. The youth are gone.”[...]

Ver notícia no New York Times

março 18, 2011

Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas aprova zona de exclusão aérea na Líbia


 A decisão foi recebida com alegria em Bengasi, berço da revolta líbia, onde os opositores do regime de Khadafi dispararam para o ar, saudando a medida.

Segundo as agências noticiosas, centenas de jovens concentraram-se frente à sede do Conselho Nacional de Transição, instância criada pelos revoltosos, e agitavam bandeiras da monarquia, usadas antes da tomada do poder pelo coronel Muammar Kadhafi, em 1969.

Numa primeira reacção, o regime de Kadhafi disse que a resolução das Nações Unidas "ameaça a unidade" do país.

A decisão de recorrer a "todas as medidas necessárias" - expressão que significa acção militar - foi aprovada por dez votos a favor, e cinco abstenções (Rússia, China, Alemanha, Brasil e Índia). Portugal esteve entre os dez membros a votar favoravelmente a resolução.

O Qatar e os Emirados Árabes Unidos vão participar nas operações militares contra Khadafi, no quadro do mandato das Nações Unidas, disse um diplomata. O embaixador líbio na organização, Ibrahim Dabbachi, que se afastou do regime, afirmara anteriormente à imprensa que "uns cinco" países árabes estava dispostos a participar na criação de uma zona de exclusão aérea na Líbia. [...]

Ver notícia no Público

março 04, 2011

Grandes donativos árabes a universidades britânicas levam a ensinamentos ‘hostis‘


Sir Howard Davies, the director of the London School of Economics, has at last done the honourable thing and resigned from the university’s governing council. The LSE’s shameless prostituting of its good name in return for Muammar Gaddafi’s blood money (as the Tory MP Robert Halfon has rightly called it) is as great a betrayal of the spirit of a university as there has ever been in Britain.
But while it will take the LSE quite some time to regain a seat at the table of respectability, it is not the only university that has reason to feel ashamed. The LSE is said to have received no more than £300,000 of the £1.5 million it was due from Libya.
Yet, on the most conservative estimate, other British universities have received hundreds of millions of pounds from Saudi and other Islamic sources – in the guise of philanthropic donations, but with the real intention of changing the intellectual climate of the United Kingdom.
Between 1995 and 2008, eight universities – Oxford, Cambridge, Durham, University College London, the LSE, Exeter, Dundee and City – accepted more than £233.5 million from Muslim rulers and those closely connected to them.
Much of the money has gone to Islamic study centres: the Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies received £75 million from a dozen Middle Eastern rulers, including the late King Fahd of Saudi Arabia; one of the current king’s nephews, Prince Alwaleed bin Talal, gave £8 million each to Cambridge and Edinburgh. Then there was the LSE’s own Centre for Middle Eastern Studies, which got £9 million from the United Arab Emirates; this week, a majority of the centre’s board was revealed to be pushing for a boycott of Israel. [...].

Ver notícia no Telegraph