Mostrar mensagens com a etiqueta Entrevistas. Mostrar todas as mensagens
Mostrar mensagens com a etiqueta Entrevistas. Mostrar todas as mensagens

abril 12, 2007

Baltasar Garzón: “Ceuta e Melilla estão entre os próximos objetivos da Al Qaeda” in La Vanguardia, 12 de Abril de 2007



Las plazas de Ceuta y Melilla, primero, y la Península y Europa continental a continuación, son objetivos preferentes de la nueva estrategia terrorista de la rama de Al Qaeda que se desarrolla en el norte de África. Una facción que, como podemos comprobar tras los sangrientos hechos de Argelia y Marruecos, es cada vez más activa y peligrosa. Por esa razón debemos considerar que en España estamos ante un riesgo muy alto de sufrir un nuevo atentado de origen islamista. Por tanto, es preciso extremar la prudencia y no perder de vista lo que sucede tan cerca, sólo al otro lado del Estrecho". Estas duras palabras de alerta son del juez Baltasar Garzón, instructor de la Audiencia Nacional, pionero en las investigaciones sobre terrorismo internacional de corte islamista, entrevistado ayer por La Vanguardia acerca de los episodios de violencia por la que están pasando Argelia y Marruecos.

- ¿Tan grave es la situación?
- Sí. Y hay varios datos que así lo indican. Por una parte está la amenaza concreta y confirmada lanzada a través de internet el 13 de marzo pasado por Aymar al Zauahiri, el número dos de Al Qaeda. Su mensaje puede y debe considerarse el relanzamiento de sus campañas terroristas. Otro elemento claro que muestra el camino que va a seguir el integrismo es que el argelino, tradicional y muy activo Grupo Salafista para la Predicación y el Combate (GSPC) ha pasado a denominarse Al Qaeda para el Magreb, lo que implica una conexión de criterios en todo el norte de África en cuanto a actividades terroristas.

- Entonces, ¿el núcleo de este peligro dónde se sitúa?
- Marruecos y Argelia son los dos grandes focos conocidos del integrismo que amenaza ahora Europa, mientras que Túnez permanece en una nebulosa de la que apenas nos llega información, aunque la escasa que se obtiene también es muy alarmante. Se ha comprobado que hay campos de entrenamiento de Al Qaeda en el sur de Argelia, en el Sahel, cerca de Mali. También sabemos que el norte africano es, por ahora, el campo de batalla que han escogido estos nuevos terroristas, que pronto intentarán dar un paso más en sus acciones.

- ¿Un paso? ¿Hacia dónde?
- Pues, como le decía, hacia Ceuta y Melilla. Ambas ciudades españolas están en su punto de mira y luego sigue su vieja reivindicación sobre Al Ándalus, es decir, sobre España. Las grandes ciudades europeas tampoco se libran de la amenaza, pues consideran a Europa corresponsable del desastre de Iraq y detestan la presencia de tropas en Afganistán.

- ¿Hay activistas en España?
- Claro que los hay, como también están en marcha distintas investigaciones policiales y judiciales de las que obviamente no se puede decir nada. Sin embargo, puedo decirles que el problema con el que se encuentran todos los investigadores que siguen este modelo de terrorismo es su horizontalidad y su falta clara de estructura jerárquica. En otras palabras, hay mucho individualismo que se une eventualmente a través del fanatismo para formar una células terroristas que reciben doctrina, por ejemplo, por internet.

- Es decir, que es muy difícil de investigar...
- Efectivamente. Por sus características es muy difícil armar el conjunto probatorio para conseguir condenas. Europa y España más concretamente están a tiempo de poner en práctica lo que han aprendido dolorosamente, y, sin embargo, creo que no se está haciendo lo necesario en materia de terrorismo.

- ¿A qué se refiere?
- No hay consenso sobre cómo abordar el terrorismo y ése es un asunto fundamental. Además, en Europa no hay un convencimiento pleno de que es posible afrontar con ciertas garantías de éxito la amenaza si se dispone de medios modernos, humanos y materiales. Claro que si estos medios no están especializados y perfectamente coordinados se vuelven ineficaces.

- ¿Una coordinación europea?
- Claro. Hablo de un espacio común de confianza en el que se fortalezca la coordinación de inteligencia, policial y judicial, que, como he dicho en otras ocasiones, se adelante a las intenciones del terrorismo global que se alimenta del odio y rencor que les produce la invasión de Iraq. Piense, como prueba lo sucedido en Argelia y Marruecos, es decir, muy cerca, que España y Europa están al alcance de cualquier acción terrorista. Insisto: tenemos que actuar ahora y no cuando no tenga remedio. Pero que quede muy claro: sólo la ley y el Estado de derecho son eficaces en la lucha contra el terrorismo yihadista o cualquier otro. Es una evidencia incontestable que los espacios sin derecho no han aportado nada a la seguridad mundial.
http://www.lavanguardia.es/gen/20070412/51327529898/noticias/
JPTF 2004/12/04

março 08, 2007

Entrevista a Bassam Tibi: “Os europeus deixaram de defender os seus valores” in Spiegel online International


por Cordula Meyer e Caroline Schmidt
Bassam Tibi nasceu em Damasco, na Síria, numa família muçulmana sunita. É professor de Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais e reside na Alemanha desde os 18 anos, sendo cidadão alemão desde 1967.

SPIEGEL: The administrator of one of Berlin's opera houses, the Deutsche Oper, has cancelled the Mozart Opera ‘Idomeneo‘ out of fear of an Islamist reaction. Is this the first sign of Germany bowing down to Islam?
Tibi: It's not the first sign, but rather a repeated one. Recently we have been seeing more and more acts of submission, the most recent case being the Pope's apology. When it comes to Islam, there is no freedom of the press nor freedom of opinion in Germany. Organized groups in Islamic communities want to decide what is said and done here. I myself have been dropped from numerous events because of threats.
SPIEGEL: You are trying to say that critics of Islam are systematically silenced in Germany?
Tibi: Yes. Even the comparatively moderate Turkish organization DITIB says there are no Islamists, only Islam and Muslims - anything else is racism. That means that you can no longer criticize the religion. Accusing somebody of racism is a very effective weapon in Germany. Islamists know this: As soon as you accuse someone of demonizing Islam, then the European side backs down. I have also been accused of such nonsense, even though my family can trace its roots right back to Muhammad and I myself know the Koran by heart.
SPIEGEL: You have said numerous times that the conflict between the Western world and Muslim groups here is an ‘ideological war.‘
Tibi: The result of a conflict between two sides is that people politicize their cultural backgrounds. In Germany representatives of the Islamic communities try to hijack children who are born here, along with the entire Islamic community, to prevent them from being influenced by the society which has taken them in. Children born here are like blank sheets on which you can write European or Islamic texts. Muslim representatives want to raise their children as if they don't even live in Europe.
SPIEGEL: Many Germans believe that communities should live together peacefully without any parallel societies. Is it therefore right to compromise in order to avoid antagonizing Muslims unnecessarily?
Tibi: Quite the opposite. The Islamic officials who live here are very intelligent and view this as weakness. Muslims stand by their religion entirely. It is a sort of religious absolutism. While Europeans have stopped defending the values of their civilization. They confuse tolerance with relativism.
SPIEGEL: When something insults Muslims, we often tend to just back off - doesn't this help defuse the conflict?
Tibi: No. That is simply giving up. And the weaker the partner is viewed by the Muslims, then the greater the anger which they express. And this anger is often carefully staged. The argument over the cartoons for example was completely orchestrated. Nothing was spontaneous. A lot of people don't know if Denmark is a country or a cheese. Where did they get the Danish flags? Protests like these are weapons in this war of ideas. Or take another example: The president of the Iranian parliament was visiting Belgium where he had an appointment with a female Belgian colleague. He refused to shake her hand, so she didn't meet with him. He left Belgium and accused her of racism. The accusation of cultural insensitivity is a weapon. And we have to neutralize it.
SPIEGEL: Can the Islam conference which the German minister of domestic affairs, Wolfgang Schäuble, organized in Berlin last week, help in this regard?
Tibi: No, because the biggest taboo is that there even is a conflict at all. Everyone denies that. Instead people talk about misunderstandings and how these should be resolved. But a conflict of values is not a misunderstanding. Islamic orthodoxy and the German constitution are not compatible. And that is why the Islam conference failed.
SPIEGEL: So what's the answer then?
Tibi: Muslims have to give up three things if they want to become Europeans: They have to bid farewell to the idea of converting others, and renounce the Jihad. The Jihad is not just a way of testing yourself but also means using violence to spread Islam. The third thing they need to give up is the Shariah, which is the Islamic legal system. This is incompatible with the German constitution. There are also two things they need to redefine.
SPIEGEL: Which are?
Tibi: Pluralism and tolerance are pillars of modern society. That has to be accepted. But pluralism doesn't just mean diversity. It means that we share the same rules and values, and are still nevertheless different. Islam doesn't have this idea. And Islam also has no tradition of tolerance. In Islam tolerance means that Christians and Jews are allowed to live under the protection of Muslims but never as citizens with the same rights. What Muslims call tolerance is nothing other than discrimination.
SPIEGEL: How many of the 3 million Muslims living in Germany would agree to these demands?
Tibi: A few thousand perhaps.
SPIEGEL: And what about the organizations at the Islam conference? After all, they all clearly said that they accept the German constitution. They also stated that it is allowed to change religion or to have no religion at all, even though the Shariah punishes a loss of faith with the death sentence. Is this a credible statement?
Tibi: I doubt that these statements are correct. Only representatives of organized Islam went to Schäuble's conference. Schäuble's problem is terrorism. And when the organizations tell him: ‘We are against terrorism,‘ then everything is hunky-dory. But that is not a policy.
SPIEGEL: So who should Schäuble talk to? To you? For many years you have been a proponent of an enlightened form of Euro-Islam - a topic which has been much discussed. But you are pretty much a lone voice.
Tibi: I support reforming Islam and I am not alone in this. Next month I'm meeting 20 other Islamic reformers in Copenhagen. We are trying to reinvigorate the tradition of enlightening Islam. But our mistake is that we are not united.
SPIEGEL: And apart from these scientists and thinkers?
Tibi: It would be much more important to have enlightened Imams. But when the Alfred Herrhausen society wanted to invite a German-speaking Imam with European ideas to a discussion, no one could be found. In the end they took the Grand Mufti of Marseille. And why are there such people in France and not here? Because the French state and French society has worked on developing them.
SPIEGEL: So the German state should reform Islam?
Tibi: Of course not. But the French state helped set up a council of Muslims which was completely in line with European values. If the French state had not been involved, the council would have probably been in the hands of the Muslim Brotherhood. This is a challenge facing civil society, but the state also has to help. By staying neutral, as is the case here in Germany, you are handing victory over to the Islamists.
SPIEGEL: Schäuble is looking for partners who can help in the teaching of Islam in schools and the training of Imams.
Tibi: That is a good start. The important thing is that the teachers must be trained here and that the state and the society decides on the curriculum.
SPIEGEL: You have often said that the integration of Muslims in Germany has failed. And that integration can only be achieved by ‘educating a civil society.‘ But who should do this and who decides who needs to be educated?
Tibi: I am thinking in particular about the re-education programs which were carried out in Germany after the Third Reich. Social studies teachers and political science faculties were given the task of turning young people into democrats. That worked then. Why shouldn't we have a similar model for Muslims? In youth clubs, or during Islamic instruction in schools. Of course it takes a long time, 50 years say, but we have to start.
SPIEGEL: But how do you expect to draw the third generation away from the influence of the mosques?
Tibi: I don't have any clear idea either about how this should be done. The situation is this: young Muslims want to be ‘members of the club,‘ part of German society. But they are rejected. And parallel societies provide warmth. It is a vicious circle.
SPIEGEL: But what is astounding is that you see yourself also as an example of failed integration. You have been working for 30 years at a German university, you have written 26 books in German and have been awarded the Federal Cross of Merit. Why, out of anyone, are you not integrated?
Tibi: It's more to do with a feeling of belonging. In Germany it is not a contradiction to say, Mr. Tibi is Syrian and has a German passport. In France however it is. And in America it would be a reason to take someone to court, as you are excluding them from American society. Even after 40 years here, I'm still not German. I also believe that I have not progressed higher as a professor here because I am a foreigner. When I retire I will be leaving Germany and going to Cornell university.
SPIEGEL: That sounds quite sad. What should Germany do?
Tibi: We need to see a change in culture among Germans too. We must change this idea that only those who are born here and have ethnically German parents, are seen as German. Almost 20 percent of the people living in Germany today have a foreign background. The problem is that Germany can't really offer foreigners an identity because the Germans hardly have a national identity themselves. That is certainly a result of Auschwitz. America's strength is that it is capable of accepting people into its communities.
http://www.spiegel.de/international/spiegel/0,1518,440340,00.html (2/Outubro/2006)
JPTF 8/03/2007

janeiro 10, 2007

Entrevista ‘Islamistas à espreita da liberdade‘ in JN 2006/11/29


Entrevista
por Pedro Olavo Simões

Docente universitário e investigador nas áreas da Ciência Política e das Relações Internacionais, José Pedro Teixeira Fernandes tem dedicado boa parte do seu trabalho às questões turcas, sendo autor de Turquia: Metamorfoses de Identidade (Lisboa, ICS, 2005).


As diferenças fazem com que um ocidental não absorva, facilmente, a complexidade da Turquia. E José Pedro Teixeira Fernandes nota uma decorrência de novos desenvolvimentos da ocidentalização, a liberdade religiosa abrirá caminho aos islamistas.

JN|Turquia um Estado laico, onde o peso confessional do Islão é enorme...

José Pedro Teixeira Fernandes|De facto, a população é esmagadoramente muçulmana e o Estado é laico, mas não como nós entendemos não há separação entre Igreja e Estado, mas um controlo da religião pelo Estado.

A população absorveu isso?

O carácter laico e secular foi imposto por uma elite à maioria (o Exército é essencial na manutenção do sistema). O processo de adesão à União Europeia introduz um dado novo como este não é um modelo normal, os sectores islamistas perceberam que a UE é uma forma de terem liberdade religiosa e política, pois não separam as coisas.

O laicismo continua a ser defendido apenas pela elite?

Atatürk impôs uma visão quase pessoal. Mas, apesar de ter saído de um grupo restrito, este laicismo tem seduzido uma camada importante da população o Exército, a Administração Pública, os meios jurídicos... Há uma elite laica turca, de que é paradigma o presidente, Ahmet Necdet Sezer.

Há choque com o Ocidente?

Há uma questão ideológica, ligada ao Islamismo ou Islão político, que tem a estratégia de criar inimizades com o Ocidente, mas cujos primeiros inimigos são os próprios muçulmanos que se lhe opõem. Os islamistas serão uma minoria, mas, estando no poder um partido conservador religioso, parte do eleitorado é muito sensível a estas questões, o que torna difícil a gestão da política interna.

É, realmente, a ponte entre dois mundos?

Uma ponte com virtudes e fracturas internas. A Turquia tem duas facetas difíceis de encaixar uma virada para o Islão, e para o papel na Conferência Islâmica, outra voltada para a UE.

Temos ainda os curdos, a questão cipriota...

Não vejo solução fácil para o problema curdo. Para os europeus, a solução seria a autonomia, como existe em Espanha, mas isso é inconcebível para os turcos. No caso de Chipre, temos a República do Norte, que só a Turquia reconhece, e Chipre, membro da UE, que só governa o Sul da ilha. Há muitos problemas, relacionados com a memória histórica e religiosa, também com questões de propriedade. Ninguém sabe muito bem como é a população do Norte. A Turquia tem alimentado migrações, concedendo a nacionalidade cipriota, pelo que não se sabe quantos são os cipriotas turcos.

Persiste no Ocidente o espectro da ameaça otomana?

Há resistências de raiz histórica, no caso da Áustria, onde 90% da população se opõem à adesão, ou na Grécia. Neste caso, os problemas são maiores questões ligadas com os limites territoriais nas águas do Mar Egeu, os direitos do Patriarcado grego e o simbolismo de Constantinopla... Mas, também, importa notar que há pessoas ainda vivas, que estiveram envolvidas, em 1924, na expulsão de 1,3 milhões de gregos pela Turquia e de 400 mil muçulmanos, pela Grécia. Há feridas abertas.

http://jn.sapo.pt/2006/11/29/primeiro_plano/islamistas_a_espreita_liberdade.html
JPTF 2007/01/10