Acordo da Cimeira Europeia enfrenta sérios obstáculos legais e prováveis referendos

Within hours of arriving at a fragile treaty deal for the eurozone and nine other EU states, the agreement delivering deeper integration is already confronting the spectre of multiple referendums and a host of legal barriers.
Serious obstacles are beginning to materialise in Ireland, the Netherlands, Austria, Romania and Denmark, while Finland, Latvia and the Czech Republic may also present the process with additional hurdles.
Asked repeatedly by reporters whether the transfer of powers to Brussels contained in the deal would provoke a referendum in Ireland, the country's prime minister, Enda Kenny, refused to comment, saying only that the question first required a consultation with the attorney-general.
However, Irish Europe minister Lucinda Creighton this morning told Reuters that it was a toss-up whether a vote would be necessary"I would say it's 50-50 and we will be looking at the detail over the next couple of weeks," she said.
Elsewhere in the eurozone, Dutch Prime minister Mark Rutte insisted to reporters that a referendum in the Netherlands - where a referendum on the European Constitution in 2005 delivered a surprise No vote - would not be needed, as it concerns "no big new deals" but only "the cap-stone in the construction of the euro." [...]

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Cartoon: Tempestade sobre o Euro

‘2021: A Nova Europa‘ na história virtual de Niall Ferguson

Welcome to Europe, 2021. Ten years have elapsed since the great crisis of 2010-11, which claimed the scalps of no fewer than 10 governments, including Spain and France. Some things have stayed the same, but a lot has changed.

The euro is still circulating, though banknotes are now seldom seen. (Indeed, the ease of electronic payments now makes some people wonder why creating a single European currency ever seemed worth the effort.) But Brussels has been abandoned as Europe's political headquarters. Vienna has been a great success.

"There is something about the Habsburg legacy," explains the dynamic new Austrian Chancellor Marsha Radetzky. "It just seems to make multinational politics so much more fun."
The Germans also like the new arrangements. "For some reason, we never felt very welcome in Belgium," recalls German Chancellor Reinhold Siegfried von Gotha-Dämmerung.

Life is still far from easy in the peripheral states of the United States of Europe (as the euro zone is now known). Unemployment in Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain has soared to 20%. But the creation of a new system of fiscal federalism in 2012 has ensured a steady stream of funds from the north European core.

Like East Germans before them, South Europeans have grown accustomed to this trade-off. With a fifth of their region's population over 65 and a fifth unemployed, people have time to enjoy the good things in life. And there are plenty of euros to be made in this gray economy, working as maids or gardeners for the Germans, all of whom now have their second homes in the sunny south.

The U.S.E. has actually gained some members. Lithuania and Latvia stuck to their plan of joining the euro, following the example of their neighbor Estonia. Poland, under the dynamic leadership of former Foreign Minister Radek Sikorski, did the same. These new countries are the poster children of the new Europe, attracting German investment with their flat taxes and relatively low wages.

But other countries have left.

David Cameron—now beginning his fourth term as British prime minister—thanks his lucky stars that, reluctantly yielding to pressure from the Euroskeptics in his own party, he decided to risk a referendum on EU membership. His Liberal Democrat coalition partners committed political suicide by joining Labour's disastrous "Yeah to Europe" campaign. [...]

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‘O crepúsculo democrático da Turquia‘ por Dani Rodrik

Quando questionado, recentemente, acerca de um professor de direito constitucional que foi preso por leccionar num instituto administrado pelo principal partido político pró-curdo do país, o ministro do Interior da Turquia, Idris Naim Sahin, não conseguiu esconder a sua irritação: "Estou a ter muita dificuldade em compreender aqueles que dizem que um professor não deveria ser preso, ao mesmo tempo que outros milhares de pessoas estão a ser detidos na Turquia".

Provavelmente, Sahin quis dizer que um professor não pode invocar tratamento especial perante a lei. Mas o seu comentário realçou, inadvertidamente, a nova realidade na Turquia, onde qualquer opositor do regime actual pode ser encarcerado, com ou sem provas, por terrorismo ou outros actos violentos.

Tribunais especiais, encarregues de julgar actos terroristas e crimes contra o Estado, têm efectuado muitas horas extraordinárias para apresentarem acusações oficiais que, na maioria dos casos, tanto têm de absurdo como de infundado. Por exemplo, alguns jornalistas foram presos por produzirem artigos e livros a mando de uma alegada organização terrorista denominada “Ergenekon”, cuja existência ainda está por confirmar, apesar de vários anos de investigação.

Da mesma forma, alguns militares foram acusados, com base em documentos descaradamente fraudulentos – aliás, produzidos de forma muito pouco profissional – que continham claros anacronismos. Um comandante superior da Polícia está actualmente a definhar na prisão, por alegadamente colaborar com militantes da extrema-esquerda, os mesmos que perseguiu durante toda a sua carreira. Estes processos evidenciam uma crescente rede, que arma ciladas a jornalistas, escritores, académicos, centenas de militares, milhares de políticos e activistas curdos, entre outros. [...]

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