abril 27, 2010

Votação do acordo com a Rússia sobre a frota no Mar Negro gera ‘caos no parlamento da Ucrânia‘ in BBC


Chaos has erupted in the Ukrainian parliament during a debate over the extension of the lease on a Russian naval base in Ukraine.

The chamber's speaker had to be shielded by umbrellas as he was pelted with eggs, while smoke bombs exploded and politicians brawled.

But the debate continued and the chamber ratified the lease extension.

Kiev has prolonged the lease on the Sevastopol base by 25 years in return for cheaper supplies of Russian gas.

The deal, which came amid rapidly improving ties between Russia and Ukraine following the election of Ukraine's pro-Russian President Viktor Yanukovych in February, has been bitterly opposed by Ukrainian pro-Western opposition politicians [...].

Ver notícia na BBC


‘Economia portuguesa: a importância de não ser a Grécia‘ in Economist


Forget slogans about golden beaches or vinho verde. What the Portuguese government wants the world to know is simpler: Portugal is not Greece. Far from having the next sovereign-debt crisis, as predicted by several economists, politicians are painting Portugal as a well-behaved member of the euro, in no way comparable to wayward, mendacious Greece.

Portugal is doing better than Greece in its budget deficit (9.4% of GDP in 2009, compared with 12.7%) and public debt (85% of GDP this year, against 124% in Greece). Unlike Greece, its public accounts are credible and it has a record of taking tough fiscal measures when necessary—between 2005 and 2007, it cut its budget deficit in half, from 6.1% of GDP to 2.6%. A four-year austerity programme to chop the budget deficit again, this time to 2.8% of GDP in 2013, has been adopted.

Again unlike Greece, the centre-left government of José Sócrates is a pioneer of reform. It has linked pensions to changes in life expectancy and introduced incentives for later retirement. According to the European Commission, age-related public spending will rise by only 2.9% of GDP in Portugal over the next 50 years, compared with a euro-area average of 5.1% and a startling 16% in Greece. Despite some public-sector protests, opposition to spending cuts is less noisy than in Greece.

So why are markets fretting over Lisbon’s debt burden (yields on two-year bonds have risen to 4.8%)? And why have such figures as Simon Johnson, a former IMF chief economist, and Nouriel Roubini, a New York economics professor once labelled Dr Doom, said that a Greek-style crisis could infect Portugal? [...]

Ver artigo no Economist

abril 21, 2010

‘Confusos sobre o Irão‘ in Washington Post


Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates was the focus of one of those curious Washington kerfuffles over the weekend in which a senior official makes headlines by saying what everyone knows to be true. According to the New York Times, Mr. Gates dispatched a secret memo to the White House in January pointing out that the Obama administration does not have a well-prepared strategy in place for the likely eventuality that Iran will continue to pursue a nuclear weapon and will not be diverted by negotiations or sanctions. Mr. Gates quickly denied that his memo was intended as a "wake-up call," as one unnamed official quoted by the Times called it. And that's probably true: It is evident to any observer that the administration lacks a clear backup plan.

President Obama's official position is that "all options are on the table," including the use of force. But senior officials regularly talk down the military option in public -- thereby undermining its utility even as an instrument of intimidation. Adm. Mike Mullen, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, offered more reassurance to Iran on Sunday, saying in a forum at Columbia University that "I worry . . . about striking Iran. I've been very public about that because of the unintended consequences."

Adm. Mullen appeared to equate those consequences with those of Iran obtaining a weapon. "I think Iran having a nuclear weapon would be incredibly destabilizing. I think attacking them would also create the same kind of outcome," he was quoted as saying. Yet Israel and other countries in the region would hardly regard those "outcomes" as similar.

We are not advocating strikes against Iranian nuclear facilities. But the public signs of the administration's squishiness about military options are worrisome because of the lack of progress on its two-track strategy of offering negotiations and threatening sanctions. A year-long attempt at engagement failed; now the push for sanctions is proceeding at a snail's pace. Though administration officials say they have made progress in overcoming resistance from Russia and China, it appears a new U.N. sanctions resolution might require months more of dickering. Even then it might only be a shell intended to pave the way for ad hoc actions by the United States and European Union, which would require further diplomacy.

And what would sanctions accomplish? Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton told the Financial Times last week that "maybe . . . that would lead to the kind of good-faith negotiations that President Obama called for 15 months ago." Yet the notion that the hard-line Iranian clique now in power would ever negotiate in good faith is far-fetched. More likely -- and desirable -- would be a victory by the opposition Green movement in Iran's ongoing domestic power struggle. But the administration has so far shrunk from supporting sanctions, such as a gasoline embargo. that might heighten popular anger against the regime.

All this probably explains why Mr. Gates, in his own words, "presented a number of questions and proposals intended to contribute to an orderly and timely decision making process."

"There should be no confusion by our allies and adversaries," he added, "that the United States is . . . prepared to act across a broad range of contingencies in support of our interests." If allies and adversaries are presently confused, that would be understandable.

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/04/19/AR2010041904363_pf.html

abril 15, 2010

‘O próximo problema global: Portugal‘, por Peter Boone e Simon Johnson


The bailout of Greece, while still not fully consummated, has brought an eerie calm in European financial markets.

It is, for sure, a huge bailout by historical standards. With the planned addition of International Monetary Fund money, the Greeks will receive 18 percent of their gross domestic product in one year at preferential interest rates. This equals 4,000 euros per person, and will be spent in roughly 11 months.

Despite this eye-popping sum, the bailout does nothing to resolve the many problems that persist. Indeed, it probably makes the euro zone a much more dangerous place for the next few years.

Next on the radar will be Portugal. This nation has largely missed the spotlight, if only because Greece spiraled downward. But both are economically on the verge of bankruptcy, and they each look far riskier than Argentina did back in 2001 when it succumbed to default.

Portugal spent too much over the last several years, building its debt up to 78 percent of G.D.P. at the end of 2009 (compared with Greece’s 114 percent of G.D.P. and Argentina’s 62 percent of G.D.P. at default). The debt has been largely financed by foreigners, and as with Greece, the country has not paid interest outright, but instead refinances its interest payments each year by issuing new debt. By 2012 Portugal’s debt-to-G.D.P. ratio should reach 108 percent of G.D.P. if the country meets its planned budget deficit targets. At some point financial markets will simply refuse to finance this Ponzi game.

The main problem that Portugal faces, like Greece, Ireland and Spain, is that it is stuck with a highly overvalued exchange rate when it is in need of far-reaching fiscal adjustment.

For example, just to keep its debt stock constant and pay annual interest on debt at an optimistic 5 percent interest rate, the country would need to run a primary surplus of 5.4 percent of G.D.P. by 2012. With a planned primary deficit of 5.2 percent of G.D.P. this year (i.e., a budget surplus, excluding interest payments), it needs roughly 10 percent of G.D.P. in fiscal tightening.

It is nearly impossible to do this in a fixed exchange-rate regime — i.e., the euro zone — without vast unemployment. The government can expect several years of high unemployment and tough politics, even if it is to extract itself from this mess.

Neither Greek nor Portuguese political leaders are prepared to make the needed cuts. The Greeks have announced minor budget changes, and are now holding out for their 45 billion euro package while implicitly threatening a messy default on the rest of Europe if they do not get what they want — and when they want it.

The Portuguese are not even discussing serious cuts. In their 2010 budget, they plan a budget deficit of 8.3 percent of G.D.P., roughly equal to the 2009 budget deficit (9.4 percent). They are waiting and hoping that they may grow out of this mess — but such growth could come only from an amazing global economic boom.

While these nations delay, the European Union with its bailout programs — assisted by Jean-Claude Trichet’s European Central Bank — provides financing. The governments issue bonds; European commercial banks buy them and then deposit these at the European Central Bank as collateral for freshly printed money. The bank has become the silent facilitator of profligate spending in the euro zone.

Last week the European Central Bank had a chance to dismantle this doom machine when the board of governors announced new rules for determining what debts could be used as collateral at the central bank.

Some anticipated the central bank might plan to tighten the rules gradually, thereby preventing the Greek government from issuing too many new bonds that could be financed at the bank. But the bank did not do that. In fact, the bank’s governors did the opposite: they made it even easier for Greece, Portugal and any other nation to borrow in 2011 and beyond. Indeed, under the new lax rules you need only to convince one rating agency (and we all know how easy that is) that your debt is not junk in order to get financing from the European Central Bank.

Today, despite the clear dangers and huge debts, all three rating agencies are surely scared to take the politically charged step of declaring that Greek debt is junk. They are similarly afraid to touch Portugal.

So what next for Portugal?

Pity the serious Portuguese politician who argues that fiscal probity calls for early belt-tightening. The European Union, the European Central Bank and the Greeks have all proven that the euro zone nations have no threshold for pain, and European Union money will be there for anyone who wants it. The Portuguese politicians can do nothing but wait for the situation to get worse, and then demand their bailout package, too. No doubt Greece will be back next year for more. And the nations that “foolishly” already started their austerity, such as Ireland and Italy, must surely be wondering whether they too should take the less austere path.

There seems to be no logic in the system, but perhaps there is a logical outcome.

Europe will eventually grow tired of bailing out its weaker countries. The Germans will probably pull that plug first. The longer we wait to see fiscal probity established, at the European Central Bank and the European Union, and within each nation, the more debt will be built up, and the more dangerous the situation will get.

When the plug is finally pulled, at least one nation will end up in a painful default; unfortunately, the way we are heading, the problems could be even more widespread.

http://economix.blogs.nytimes.com/2010/04/15/the-next-global-problem-portugal/

abril 12, 2010

‘A China procura impor o seu ponto de vista sobre o mundo‘ in Courrier International


La Chine mène depuis quelques années une politique de développement de ses médias en langues étrangères en direction de la communauté étrangère en Chine et à l’étranger. Une version anglaise du Huanqiu Shibao, quotidien spécialisé dans l’information internationale, paraît ainsi depuis 2009 sous le nom de Global Times. Sensiblement différente de la publication en chinois, à tonalité volontiers nationaliste, elle en traduit cependant une partie du contenu. C’est le quatrième journal en langue anglaise en Chine. Le China Daily en a été le précurseur. Lancé à Pékin en 1981, il devait contribuer au développement des échanges économiques avec l’étranger. Il a été suivi par le Shanghai Daily en 1999, pour répondre aux besoins d’une communauté étrangère grandissante, et par le Shenzhen Daily, créé en 2001.

L’offensive médiatique concerne aussi la télévision, avec le lancement en août 2009 d’une chaîne en langue arabe. Emanation de la chaîne de télévision centrale CCTV, elle s’ajoute aux versions anglaise, française, espagnole et russe. Ces chaînes sont accessibles soit par Internet, soit par satellite dans le monde entier. Sur la Toile, la plupart des médias officiels, comme Xinhua Wang, de l’agence de presse Xinhua, Renmin Wang, de l’organe du Parti communiste chinois Renmin Ribao, China.com, du gouvernement, ou encore CRI Online, de Radio Chine Internationale, proposent depuis des années des contenus en anglais et en diverses langues étrangères, dont le français.

L’ensemble des opérations médiatiques récentes constitue une politique destinée à proposer au monde extérieur une “perspective chinoise sur l’information”. Il s’agit d’“expliquer la Chine au monde”, souligne le quotidien pékinois Xin Jingbao. Les autorités chinoises veulent clairement prendre place dans le concert médiatique mondial et y apporter une perspective chinoise, en particulier dans le traitement des informations sensibles pour le pouvoir central. Pékin avait fortement critiqué le traitement des émeutes au Tibet en mars 2008 par les médias occidentaux. Mais la presse chinoise avait été avare en informations et, surtout, les médias occidentaux n’avaient pas été autorisés à s’y rendre. Ayant entendu ces critiques, les autorités chinoises ont changé de méthode. Lors des affrontements meurtriers entre les différentes communautés ethniques au Xinjiang en juillet 2009, la presse officielle chinoise a été dépêchée en masse. Elle a ainsi pu fournir d’abondants articles et reportages qui ont été repris par le reste de la presse chinoise, mais aussi étrangère.

http://www.courrierinternational.com/article/2010/04/08/imposer-le-point-de-vue-chinois-sur-le-monde

abril 06, 2010

‘Grécia lança solução para a disputa sobre o nome Macedónia‘ in EU Observer

A senior Greek official has indicated that Athens is ready to accept the name 'Northern Macedonia' for its northern neighbour, in a development that could bring an end to the 19-year-old title dispute that has hampered Skopje's EU membership ambitions.

"The name 'Northern Macedonia' fits with the settlement as envisaged" by Athens, Greek deputy foreign minister Dimitris Droutsas told national media on Monday (5 April).

Should Macedonian leader Nikola Gruevski reject this proposal "he will have to explain to the Macedonian people why he is depriving them of their European prospects," Mr Droutsas added.

Currently referred to as the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) in official terminology, Athens is strongly opposed to a shortening of the country's name to simply "Macedonia," a title already used by a northern province in Greece.

The jealous guarding of the regional name has lead Athens to campaign against international recognition of its northern neighbour under the title of Macedonia, an independent nation following the break-up of Yugoslavia in 1991.

The Greek administration also insists that the issue must be resolved before Skopje can enter into EU accession discussions, a process that requires unanimous support from the bloc's full complement of members.

An indication that a potential solution was being worked on came in late February when senior UN mediator Matthew Nimetz said Athens and Skopje shared grounds for resolving the dispute, suggesting any future name for FYROM could include a "geographical determinant." [...]

Ver notícia no EU Observer

‘Rebeldes maoístas mataram 40 soldados indianos em emboscadas‘ in BBC

At least 40 soldiers have been killed after Maoist rebels launched a series of attacks on security convoys in central India, police say.

Rebels first attacked paramilitary forces engaged in an anti-Maoist offensive in the Dantewada district of Chhattisgarh state early on Tuesday.

Police said that two subsequent rescue missions were then ambushed by rebels. Clashes are still ongoing, reports say.

Thousands have died during the rebels' 20-year fight for communist rule.

The Indian government recently began a major offensive against the rebels in several states.

Repeat ambushes

At least nine soldiers were also injured in the Chhattsigarh attacks. Officials say that the rebels initially attacked a convoy of the paramilitary Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) in the Talmetla area.

RK Vij, a spokesman for the CRPF, told a news channel that about 80 soldiers were attacked by some 1,000 rebels.

He said the convoy was returning to its camp after a military operation.

"The injured troops have been evacuated by helicopter. More reinforcements have been sent," Mr Vij said.

The rebels then attacked a convoy of troops which had been sent to rescue their colleagues. A third rescue party was also attacked by rebels, police said, adding that clashes were still ongoing.

It is unclear how many soldiers were killed in each attack.

The rebels have warned that such attacks would intensify unless the government halted its offensive against them.

Home Minister P Chidambaram has threatened to intensify the offensive if the rebels did not start talks by renouncing violence.

The Maoists have said they would agree to talks if four of their senior leaders now in jail were released and the offensive was halted.

Indian Prime minister Manmohan Singh has described the Maoist insurgency as India's "greatest internal security challenge".

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/8604256.stm

abril 02, 2010

‘Supertempestade na investigação sobre o aquecimento global‘ in Der Spiegel


Plagued by reports of sloppy work, falsifications and exaggerations, climate research is facing a crisis of confidence. How reliable are the predictions about global warming and its consequences? And would it really be the end of the world if temperatures rose by more than the much-quoted limit of two degrees Celsius?

Life has become "awful" for Phil Jones. Just a few months ago, he was a man with an enviable reputation: the head of the Climate Research Unit (CRU) at the University of East Anglia in Norwich, England, an expert in his field and the father of an alarming global temperature curve that apparently showed how the Earth was heating up as a result of anthropogenic global warming.

Those days are now gone.
Nowadays, Jones, who is at the center of the "Climategate" affair involving hacked CRU emails, needs medication to fall sleep. He feels a constant tightness in his chest. He takes beta-blockers to help him get through the day. He is gaunt and his skin is pallid. He is 57, but he looks much older. He was at the center of a research scandal that hit him as unexpectedly as a rear-end collision on the highway.

His days are now shaped by investigative commissions at the university and in the British Parliament. He sits on his chair at the hearings, looking miserable, sometimes even trembling. The Internet is full of derisive remarks about him, as well as insults and death threats. "We know where you live," his detractors taunt.

Jones is finished: emotionally, physically and professionally. He has contemplated suicide several times recently, and he says that one of the only things that have kept him from doing it is the desire to watch his five-year-old granddaughter grow up. [...]

Ver no notícia no Der Spiegel

março 31, 2010

Eleições em Itália: Liga do Norte aumenta implantação no Piemonte e em Venezia


La Ligue du Nord, parti gouvernemental et parfois d’opposition, a fortement progressé lors des élections régionales italiennes (+134% en Vénétie). Elle va peser dans la coalition du gouvernement Berlusconi.

Longtemps considérée comme la lubie d’un homme politique fantasque, Umberto Bossi, la Padanie est devenue une réalité. Les élections régionales italiennes de dimanche et lundi ont donné lieu à un raz de marée de la Ligue du Nord. Quelques chiffres compilés par l’Istituto Cattaneo de Bologne suffisent à prendre la mesure du phénomène. Par rapport à 2005, le parti populiste fondé et dirigé par le Senaturfait une percée remarquable en Vénétie (+134%), dans le Piémont (+83%) et en Lombardie (+61%). Même dans des régions plutôt rouges comme l’Emilie-Romagne, elle fait un bond de 165%. Au plan national, la Ligue du Nord fait plus que doubler son score de 2005 et passe à 12,7% des suffrages.

Basculement au Piémont

Dans les treize régions où les Italiens votaient, le parti populiste qui est un allié important dans la coalition du gouvernement de Silvio Berlusconi, a obtenu 2,75 millions de voix contre 1,38 million en 2005. Ce triomphe offre pour la première fois à la Ligue du Nord deux présidences de région (Vénétie et Piémont).

Professeur d’histoire de la pensée politique à l’Université de Bologne, Carlo Galli relève que la victoire léguiste au Piémont, région ouvrière abritant le siège de Fiat, constitue un basculement majeur: «Cette région, dans laquelle se trouvait l’une des deux capitales de l’Italie, a échappé à la gauche pour tomber dans les mains de forces politiques qui n’ont pas la culture politique républicaine. A l’approche de l’anniversaire de l’Unité italienne (2011), le pays est en crise.» [...]

Ver notícia no jornal Le Temps

Cartoon de Hic para o jornal El Watan

março 29, 2010

‘Duplo atentado suicida no metro de Moscovo‘ in The Moscow Times


Two female suicide attackers hit Moscow's metro in coordinated rush-hour attacks Monday morning that left at least 38 people dead and more than 70 injured.

Federal Security Service director Alexander Bortnikov said the bombs were filled with bolts and iron rods. Many of the injured were reported to be in grave condition, making it likely that the death toll would rise.

The attack was the deadliest in the city in six years and the first to involve a double attack on the metro, resembling tactics commonly used by al-Qaida Muslim extremists.

Officials were quick to blame insurgents from the predominantly Muslim North Caucasus. "Preliminary evidence suggests that the attacks were carried out by terrorist groups linked to the North Caucasus," Bortnikov said at an emergency Kremlin meeting chaired by President Dmitry Medvedev.

He said the remains of two women found at the sites of the attacks pointed to suicide bombers.

No one had claimed responsibility for the attacks by Monday evening.

An emotional Medvedev promised mourners at the Lubyanka metro station, the site of the first explosion, on Monday evening that those responsible for the attacks would be killed.
"We'll find them, and we'll eliminate them all, the same way we eliminated everyone who organized the Nevsky Express explosion," he said.

Past Metro Bombings
Aug. 31, 2004: A female suicide bomber blows herself up outside the Rizhskaya station, killing 10 people. A little-known Islamic group supporting Chechen rebels claims responsibility. The woman's identity was never confirmed.

Feb. 6, 2004: A suicide bomber from the North Caucasus sets off explosives during morning rush hour on a train traveling between the Avtozavodskaya and Paveletskaya stations, killing more than 40 people
and wounding more than 100.

Feb. 5, 2001: Explosives placed under a bench on the platform of the Belorusskaya station go off, wounding 15 people.

Jan. 1, 1998: A homemade bomb explodes in a vestibule of the Tretyakovskaya station, wounding three people.

June 11, 1996: A homemade bomb explodes on a train in a tunnel between the Tulskaya and Nagatinskaya stations, killing four people. [...]

Ver notícia no The Moscow Times

março 28, 2010

‘Bruxelas escolheu Tripoli em vez de Berna‘ in Tribune de Genève


«Le réveil est dur pour la Suisse, parce l'Europe a fait son choix: entre Tripoli et Berne, elle a choisi Tripoli», estime le chercheur Hasni Abidi, spécialiste du monde arabe.

l réagit à la levée des restrictions à l'octroi de visas de la Libye et de l'Union européenne, annoncée hier.

«S'il n'y a pas de garantie pour le retour de Max Göldi, si son cas n'a pas été évoqué de manière sérieuse, et non pas seulement orale, lors des négociations, il s'agit d'un lâchage de l'Europe», estime M. Abidi, directeur du Centre d'études et de recherche sur le monde arabe et méditerranéen (CERMAM) à Genève.

Le chercheur fait allusion aux négociations menée par l'Allemagne et la présidence espagnole de l'Union européene (UE) pour résoudre la crise des visas, initiée par Berne en réaction à l'enlèvement par la police libyenne des deux Suisses retenus en Libye.

«J'ai été surpris par le communiqué de la présidence de l'UE. Ils sont allé au-delà de ce que les Libyens espéraient. Il y a des excuses, mais aussi l'engagement que cela ne se reproduira pas», s'étonne M. Abidi.

Le chercheur relève parallèlement que que le communiqué du Conseil fédéral cette semaine «était plutôt positif: 'nous sommes prêt à lever la liste (les 150 à 188 personnalités libyennes - selon les sources - interdits d'espace Schengen), si Tripoli laisse aux Européens l'accès au territoire libyen'», disait le texte des autorités helvétiques mercredi, «alors que la liste était déjà levée», souligne enore l'expert.

Enthousiasme prématuré
L'enthousiasme du président espagnol José Luis Rodriguez Zapatero et de la présidente de la Confédération Doris Leuthard vendredi était exagéré, juge encore l'expert. «Ils avaient oublié la capacité d'instrumentalisation politique de la part des Libyens».

Il ne faut toutefois pas se détourner de l'UE pour autant, la Suisse doit continuer de demander à Bruxelles ne pas l'abandonner. Berne a rendu service à l'UE en débloquant la «liste noire», au tour de l'Union d'aider la Suisse à aboutir la libération de son otage, ajoute Hasni Abidi.

Retenu depuis bientôt deux ans en Libye, Max Göldi est emprisonné près de Tripoli, où il purge une peine de quatre mois de prison pour «séjour illégal».

http://www.tdg.ch/bruxelles-choisi-tripoli-berne-2010-03-28

março 25, 2010

‘Como Kadhafi tem criado armadilhas à Suíça‘ in Tribune de Genève


Comment un régime autocratique comme celui du colonel Muammar Kadhafi parvient-il à déstabiliser une démocratie séculaire comme la Suisse et à semer la discorde entre les pays membres de l’Union européenne (UE)? C’est une des questions essentielles que pose la crise entre Berne et Tripoli. Personne n’aurait imaginé en été 2008 que l’arrestation du fils du «Frère Guide» aurait une portée européenne.

Plusieurs facteurs ont mené à l’impasse actuelle. Un choc culturel entre un régime autocratique à la logique clanique et une démocratie séculaire et paisible. Une Suisse divisée. Une guerre de succession à Tripoli.

Retour sur un fait divers qui s’est transformé en crise diplomatique internationale.

«Œil pour œil, dent pour dent!»
L’affaire Kadhafi n’a cessé de diviser les Suisses. Dès l’arrestation, le 15 juillet 2008, d’Hannibal et d’Aline Kadhafi, soupçonnés d’avoir maltraité des employés. Le couple est libéré sous caution deux jours plus tard. Les méthodes policières font d’emblée débat. Berne avait pourtant averti par courriel qu’étant donné les conséquences politiques éventuelles, les agents de police seraient bien inspirés de prendre «toutes les précautions d’usage lors de cette intervention». Ce qui ne fut pas fait, à en croire les conclusions du rapport du professeur Lucius Caflisch. Si aucun acte illégal n’a été commis, le couple a été traité de manière «inutilement humiliante» et le déploiement de 20 policiers est jugé «excessif». Alors que Berne admet que l’intervention aurait pu être plus nuancée, le Conseil d’Etat genevois refuse de s’excuser. Les classes politiques nationale et cantonale s’entre-déchirent. Berne et Genève se regardent en chien de faïence.

Le clan Kadhafi, pour sa part, fait front commun. Aicha, la sœur d’Hannibal, accourt à Genève et annonce le tarif: ce sera «œil pour œil, dent pour dent! Le plus injuste est celui qui a commencé!» [...]

Ver notícia no Tribune de Genève

Kadhafi: ‘Se a Suíça estivesse situada na nossa fronteira iríamos combate-la‘ in Le Temps


Extraits du discours de Mouammar Kadhafi à Benghazi diffusé sur Al-Jazira le 25 février 2010:

«Nous n’abandonnerons pas le djihad […] Le djihad est un devoir religieux et une [forme] d’autodéfense. C’est la défense de la religion, la lutte pour Allah, la défense du prophète Mahomet, du Coran, des mosquées, de la mosquée Al-Aqsa et de notre indépendance. Alors que le terrorisme, nous le rejetons tous. Nous rejetons également la confusion entre djihad et terrorisme. Cela doit être clair. Le terrorisme perpétré par Al-Qaida et par les escouades de la mort qu’Ayman Al-Zawahiri prétend diriger… est une forme de crime. C’est une maladie mentale […]

Quiconque détruit les mosquées d’Allah sous les yeux de musulmans mérite de voir lancé le djihad contre lui. Si la Suisse était située à notre frontière, nous la combattrions pour avoir détruit les mosquées d’Allah. Le djihad contre ceux qui détruisent les mosquées d’Allah et leurs minarets est le vrai djihad et non du terrorisme […]

Qu’est-ce que «mener le djihad avec ses biens et son âme»? […] C’est mener le djihad contre la Suisse, le sionisme et l’agression étrangère, avec ses biens si on ne peut le faire avec votre âme. Est-ce du terrorisme? Pas du tout.

Le [sens du mot] djihad doit être clair. Le combat sacré des Palestiniens, c’est du djihad. Ce n’est pas du terrorisme. De même que le ciel diffère de la terre, le combat des Palestiniens diffère du terrorisme […]

Tout musulman qui achète des produits suisses est un infidèle. Dites-le à tous les musulmans du monde […] La Suisse est un pays infidèle et immoral qui détruit les mosquées. Il faut déclarer le djihad contre la Suisse par tous les moyens possibles. Boycottez la Suisse, ses produits, ses avions, ses bateaux et ses ambassades. Boycottez cette communauté infidèle et immorale qui attaque les mosquées d’Allah […]

Ver notícia no Le Temps


março 22, 2010

‘Sondagens mostram que alemães se opõem à ajuda à Grécia‘ in Financial Times


Fierce German resistance to helping crisis-hit Greece has emerged in a Financial Times opinion poll that strengthens the hand of Angela Merkel, the chancellor, before a possible European showdown this week over financial aid for Athens.
Germans overwhelmingly opposed offering financial support to Greece as it struggles to control its public sector deficit and are strikingly more hostile than other Europeans, including the British, the FT/Harris poll showed. Almost a third of Germans believed Greece should be asked to leave the eurozone.
Further highlighting flagging support for the euro, some 40 per cent of Germans also thought Europe’s biggest economy would be better off outside the single currency – a significantly higher level of scepticism than in France, Spain or Italy.
The results follow a warning on Sunday by Ms Merkel against raising “false expectations” in financial markets of a eurozone bail-out package for Greece.
In an interview on German radio which appeared to put her at odds with José Manuel Barroso, European Commission president, she insisted that Greece had not asked for money and no decision had been taken.
[...]
Ver notícia no Financial Times

março 20, 2010

‘O momento da verdade para o euro‘ in Der Spiegel


Greece's financial difficulties have exposed numerous weaknesses which threaten Europe's common currency. Now, policy makers and economic experts are trying to find ways to stabilize the euro. Spiegel Online takes a look at the proposals.

French Economics Minister Christine Lagarde seems to be itching for a fight. At the beginning of the week, she triggered indignation in Berlin when she blasted Germany's trade surplus in an interview with the Financial Times. The fact that Germany exports more than it consumes domestically hurts the country's European neighbors, Lagarde griped.

On Wednesday, she added more fuel to the fire. Speaking to the French radio station RTL, she said that when an economic union such as the euro zone faces difficulties, "everyone" should contribute to the solution. Countries with a deficit, she said, ought to reduce it, while those with a trade surplus cannot "stand on only one leg." "For instance, perhaps Germany could reduce its taxes a little to stimulate domestic spending," the minister suggested.

Germany's Christian Democratic Chancellor Angela Merkel reacted coolly. "We will not give up our strengths in those areas where we are strong," she said in German parliament on Wednesday. The chancellor may have shown recent interest in the long-shunned concept of a "common economic government" for Europe. But she would like it to be pegged to Europe's economic success stories, not those countries which are lagging behind.

But it is precisely the less competitive countries that pose the biggest problem for the euro zone. The disastrous budget situation in Greece has highlighted the common currency's weaknesses in recent weeks and similar situations in Spain, Ireland, Italy or Portugal could aggravate the situation even further.

Competitive Discrepancies

Critics warn that the euro zone is about to face a crucial test. Since the introduction of the common currency, they argue, the countries within the zone have grown further and further apart instead of growing together into a single economic zone, partly because there are no longer any currency fluctuations to offset competitive discrepancies.

The community now consists of countries like Germany and Finland on the one side, with large current account surpluses, and countries like Greece and Portugal on the other, with massive deficits. The latter, unable to keep up with the continent's powerhouse economies, lived on credit for years, partly as a result of low interest rates.

The logical conclusion would be a common economic policy for the entire EU. But this is an idea that meets with fierce resistance, since hardly any country is willing to relinquish control over its own budgetary and industrial policies.

So what can the community do to avert crises like the one that happened in Greece in the future? What should happen in the event of the worst-case scenarios become reality? Spiegel Online clears up the most important questions surrounding the future of the Euro. [...] Ver notícia completa no Der Spiegel.

março 17, 2010

Cartoon de Chapatte para o International Herald Tribune

A Turquia quer projectar os seus interesses na Europa através da diáspora in Der Spiegel


Leaders of Turkish descent across Europe recently received an invitation to a fancy event in Istanbul, all expenses paid. But what sounded innocent enough appears to have been an attempt by Ankara to get members of the Turkish diaspora to represent Turkish interests abroad. Turkish-German politicians have reacted angrily to the brazen lobbying.

The invitation that numerous Turkish-German politicians received in February sounded enticing: Lunch in a five-star hotel in Istanbul, travel expenses included. The session was titled: "Wherever One of Our Compatriots Is, We Are There Too."

Around 1,500 people of Turkish descent from several European countries accepted the tempting offer. Among the speakers at the event, which took place at the end of February, were businesspeople, NGO representatives and a member of the Belgian parliament of Turkish descent. But the meeting, which has sparked outrage among Turkish-German politicians, was more than a harmless gathering of the Turkish diaspora.

The event was organized by the Turkish government, which is led by the conservative-religious Justice and Development (AKP) party, in an attempt to send a clear message to the participants that they should represent Turkey in other countries. Turks living abroad should take the citizenship of their new home country -- not, however, with the intention of becoming an integrated part of that society, but so they can become politically active, said Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who spoke at the event. Erdogan also compared Islamophobia with anti-Semitism in his speech and said that countries which oppose dual citizenship are violating people's fundamental rights. (Germany, for example, generally does not allow its citizens to hold dual nationality.)

'Crime Against Humanity'

Participants in the session told SPIEGEL ONLINE that the Turkish prime minister then repeated a sentence which had already sparked fierce criticism when he said it during a 2008 speech in Cologne: "Assimilation is a crime against humanity." And even stronger language was apparently used by one representative of the Turkish government. According to Ali Ertan Toprak, the vice chairman of the Alevi community in Germany, who was present at the lunch, one speaker went so far as to say: "We need to inoculate European culture with Turkish culture."

The language in the invitiations already suggested the attitude of the Turkish government toward Turkish-German politicians. Ankara perceives them as being its own. Invitations sent in the name of Turkish Labor Minister Faruk Celik to German Bundestag members were addressed as "my esteemed members of parliament" and Erdogan was referred to as "our prime minister."

Turkish-German politicians and religious representatives in Germany are now voicing sharp criticism of Ankara. "It was very clearly a lobbying event on the part of the Turkish government," said Toprak. He said that he himself was shocked about how openly the Turkish government had expressed its view that Germans of Turkish descent should represent Turkey's interests. "If members of the (conservative) Christian Democratic Union who oppose EU membership for Turkey had been there, they would have got a lot of material for their arguments," Toprak says.

Highly Problematic

Canan Bayram, a member of the Berlin state parliament, said she only attended the meeting because, as an integration spokeswoman for the Green Party in the city, she felt she needed to see what an event like this was like. Of course she covered her own travel and accommodation expenses, she said. "It was important to me that I make it clear that, as a member of a German state parliament, I do not allow the Turkish government to pay my expenses." Sirvan Cakici, a member of the Bremen state parliament for the Left Party who attended the Istanbul meeting, also emphasized that she paid for her expenses herself.

"The Turkish government should pay more attention to the interests of Turks in Turkey, rather than trying to exploit Turkish-Germans as their ambassadors," said Vural Öger, a former member of the European Parliament who was also at the lunch.

Other Turkish-German politicians turned down the invitation because they saw it as highly problematic right from the beginning. "It was clear that this was purely a lobbying event on the part of the Turkish government. As a German politician, I did not belong there," says Özcan Mutlu, a member of the Berlin state parliament for the Greens. "We are not an extended arm of the Turkish government." Memet Kilic, a member of the federal parliament with the Green Party, also declined to take part for similar reasons.

'Unacceptable'

It is not, in fact, the first time that the Turkish government has sought contact to Turkish-German politicians. After the 2009 parliamentary elections, Turkish-German Bundestag members received congratulatory calls from the AKP government. And in October 2009, the Turkish government invited German parliamentarians to an AKP party congress in Ankara.

Ekin Deligöz, a member of the Bundestag for the Greens, says she has in the past received numerous invitations from the Turkish government, which she has turned down out of principle. "I refuse to represent the interests of the Turkish government simply because I was born in Turkey."

Turkish-German politicians feel that, in principle, it is acceptable if the Turkish government tries to seek contact with Bundestag members of Turkish descent. "After all, we act as a kind of bridge," says Kilic. "It's the most normal thing in the world." He adds that it is "unacceptable," however, if Ankara openly says that politicians of Turkish descent should act as a mouthpiece for Turkish interests.

Sevim Dagdelen, a Bundestag member for the Left Party who turned down the invitation to attend the February event, talks of a "parallel foreign policy" on the part of the Turkish government. "I don't want to be part of it," she says. "I find it regrettable and cause for concern that other German politicians are apparently taking part."

http://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/0,1518,druck-684125,00.html